Sunday, 27 September 2020 | News today: 0

Instead of solution, Katica becomes source of crisis


Nenad Mircevski

Katica Janeva with no sense of shame admitted that Edmond Temelko was illegally arrested at her request. According to her, it was no big deal because “he was only detained for one and a half hour”. At the same time, she did not miss the opportunity to disclaim any responsibility and to blame the Ministry of Interior, or SDSM Secretary General Oliver Spasovski, who at the time served as technical interior minister. One day, very soon, Spasovski will have to answer before justice whether he ordered the kidnapping of Temelko upon the request of Janeva or someone else?

In the same interview, Katica Janeva loudly and clearly admitted that the primary goal of the institution she represents is to find out who and why was wiretapping. Finally! However, she did not hesitate to say that she was still very far from providing an answer to this question. In fact, everything she did so far in this case is Verushevski’s release from custody (a request she filed without getting to know the case). So, after a year of work, the Special Prosecutor’s Office, which was established by a political agreement to end the crisis, and clarify the dilemma over the wiretapping, admits that it has not fulfilled the obligation although there was a ready case for processing, with strong evidence.

By making mistakes rather that finding solution, Katica becomes the cause for prolonging the crisis. Two months until the elections, when finally the government and the opposition along with the diplomats confirmed in writing that all conditions for early parliamentary elections have been met, Janeva insists on new law changes and new deadlines for justifying their own incapability. As a reminder, last year when she took office, she said she was aware of the challenge and that she was capable to deliver results within the set deadlines. She even dared to expel two prosecutors from the team on the grounds that they were surplus, and that the Prosecution could do the job without them. Poor assessment or cheap lies?

Is the special prosecutor bad at her job (although she claims to have excellent marks by her colleagues) and she has no capacity to respond to the challenge, or she is knowingly abusing the trust and the public money for carrying out the political agenda of the accused who she should instead prosecute in the “Coup” case. Or, maybe both.

Even more worrisome is the fact that the diplomats, guarantors of the Przino Agreement are turning a blind eye to all of her inadmissible mistakes, jeopardizing the process that should lead to solving the crisis. Three months ago, during her visit to Macedonia, Victoria Nuland asked for one thing: a quick agreement that would ensure conditions for snap elections, in which the opposition will participate. Then, although I doubted whether Nuland’s optimism for elections this fall was real, I was quite sure that the appearance of Zaev before the people this fall and in March next year will be a real disaster for the opposition. All measurements of public opinion show(ed) that the parties and the international community know that.

In my 19 July column I set the following dilemmas: “Why Zaev requires elections of which he is aware that he will lose whenever they happen? What has changed since a month ago (June), except that he is not part of the government? Where did the 500,000 phantom voters disappear overnight and whether according to the new political agreement the media will be “freed from the regime”?

After Nuland’s visit it became clear that it is the international community that requires elections, not Zaev, so for these reasons I warned:

“The public should bear in mind that – even if a new agreement is reached, judging by past experience, Zaev and SDSM will do anything to prevent holding fair and democratic elections and they will again accuse VMRO-DPMNE of that. During the negotiations they will do anything, even promise anything to re-enter in some kind of technical government, but it’s just a matter of time before they pull out from the agreement and begin to dispute the elections.

The first option is to do so before the election campaign, while the second is to decide to go to the polls, but to cause accidents on election day, which would discredit the election results.

In both cases, the aim of the opposition is to prolong the technical government at any cost, and therefore SDSM’s part in the government. Thus, the crisis would be prolonged indefinitely, and Katica would be given extra time to implement the inquisition. The mercenaries would be able to rely on new fees, and criminals would enjoy in anarchy and blessings of the “revolution”.

Hence, it can be concluded that the third attempt for early elections before the winter can only succeed if the international community is genuinely interested to end the crisis and if it convinces Zaev that he has no choice but to face reality.”

Zaev and his associates and advisers are a book that is easy to read. Their desperate moves are very obvious and easily predictable even for those who are not direct participants in the political negotiations and agreements. We will have to pay attention to whether VMRO-DPMNE and the citizens will allow to be deceived for the third time and allow the crisis to completely destroy the country, or whether the international community this time will firmly keep its word and sincerely help us get out of the impasse. We cannot come to a conclusion on these issues, perhaps, until the very end of the year, even if the elections take place on 11 December.